---
product_id: 12024762
title: "To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest for a New World Order Paperback – May 26, 1995"
brand: "thomas j. knock"
price: "43691CFA"
currency: XOF
in_stock: true
reviews_count: 4
url: https://www.desertcart.sn/products/12024762-to-end-all-wars-woodrow-wilson-and-the-quest-new
store_origin: SN
region: Senegal
---

# To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest for a New World Order Paperback – May 26, 1995

**Brand:** thomas j. knock
**Price:** 43691CFA
**Availability:** ✅ In Stock

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- **What is this?** To End All Wars: Woodrow Wilson and the Quest for a New World Order Paperback – May 26, 1995 by thomas j. knock
- **How much does it cost?** 43691CFA with free shipping
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## Customer Reviews

### ⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ 







  
  
    An Essential First Book on Wilson
  

*by D***Y on Reviewed in the United States 🇺🇸 on October 13, 2013*

The book by Knock, To End All Wars, is a superbly written analysis of Wilson, WW I and his attempts to use it as a vehicle for his world view. This is not a biography of Wilson nor is it an analysis of the Treaty that ended WW I. It is as the author states an interweaving of Wilson, the man and the President, into, through and after the War. Wilson was a complex person, at times very idealistic, and at others quite pragmatic. However as the author demonstrates the more idealistic Wilson prevailed through his attempts to reach agreements at the end of the War which he felt promoted World peace.The author commences with an excellent discussion of Wilson and some elements of the Socialist movement. On the one hand he saw them as fellow progressives and on the other hand, as the case with Debs and my grandmother (she was one of the heads of the Socialist Party in NY and I recall many of the details of Wilson and he somewhat heavy handed way of dealing with differing views), he saw them as threats to his unlimited power. Thus there was a love and hate relationship. The author focuses on the productive parts of the relationship in the early years when their interests coincided. Yet the Socialists were not just one group, there were many flavors of Socialism and this, in itself, made it difficult to understand. Wilson as the author indicates tries to benefit from their support.Then the author discusses the internationalism of Wilson. His interactions with Croly of the New Republic and also with Lippmann, were positive initially and they were supporters. But those relationships were to falter as Wilson exercised his approach to Presidential power.Wilson seemed to deal with international relations in the almost academic framework that he did with most everything else. For example and as discussed the Mexican War was an out and out fiasco. The US Army wandered around Mexico without maps searching for Villa as an attempt to solidify American interests. It accomplished nothing other than demonstrating that Pershing and his forces were totally unprepared to even capture one wandering band of "outlaws". Regrettably the same leadership sent the Army to France, often coatless and untrained and ill equipped.The author spends a considerable amount of time discussing the negotiations and Wilsons almost arrogant teacher like approach dealing with very sophisticated politicians in France and the UK.On p 210 ius the most telling of all descriptions: "Everything reminded me of a faculty committee meeting, rather than a gathering of statesmen." is the quote from one observer. On p 204 the author effectively tells why: "Wilson wrote two constitutions for the League of Nations..."Namely Wilson had the continuing desire to do the work himself and then try to cajole the others into his way of thinking. These observations are just a few of the battery of focused observations made by the author that demonstrate better than almost all other writers on Wilson his true weakness. Namely he believed he could lead all the others by the power of his intellect and delivering in words fait accompli. But to the old European players at the table the work was often done in classic Byzantine manner, no pun intended.There are several points which the author has noted adequately covered which I believe are germane to this topic. Specifically:1. Wilson's Health: Wilson had significant cardiovascular problems, most likely suffering from mild strokes on prior occasions and ultimately, while pushing the League, suffered a massive stroke. His health was always an issue, delimiting the time he spent on ever more complex issues. It would have been fruitful to have melded the health issues into the timing of many of the decisions.2. Wilson's Second Wife: The death of his first wife and the near instant remarrying to a strong and controlling second wife was undoubtedly a significant factor in his thinking. Yet understanding that has always been a complex task and the author sidesteps this issue. The author treats Wilson as the President and does not reflect on this type of influence. How important this was can be debated but her influence cannot.3. Wilson and House: House, the self-appointed Colonel, had attached himself to Wilson and for years was apparently the driving force for many of Wilson's efforts, especially towards the end of the War where House actually represented the US with foreign entities, albeit having no real recognized official position. Then almost suddenly at the end of the negotiations there is a break with House, Wilson just seizes the moment and send him off. One can look at the positive and negative side of the Wilson-House relationship but it was clear that House was a significant factor. The author correctly acknowledges House's presence but his influence should have been more extensively explored.4. Wilson's Limited International Exposure: American Presidents all too often have delimited international experience. Teddy Roosevelt just seemed to bluster his way about and was in effect the first internationally influencing president. But TR's impact was limited. On the other hand Wilson was the first President to fully step upon the world stage. Unlike FDR who had multiple internal advisers as well as building his relationships with Churchill and Stalin, Wilson had not real exposure to the field of international diplomacy. In fact when he completed his PhD at Hopkins he barely got passed his German requirement, and some say barely is being generous. Thus having no alliances, having no experience, and having no understanding of the depth of historical precedents, he walked into the middle of negotiations assuming them to be created of whole cloth. He soon found to the contrary. This would have been of interest to have been developed a bit more.Notwithstanding the above fine points, personal in nature, this is one of the best works on Wilson available. It manages to tie together all of the key facts and allows the reader to have a better understanding of the man and his abilities and lack thereof. I would strongly recommend this to anyone trying to understand Wilson and more importantly anyone trying to understand the Presidency and the issues that can arise from a poorly prepared person who attains that position. In this case the past is always prologue to the future.

### ⭐⭐⭐⭐ 







  
  
    DREAMS OF AN IDEALIST
  

*by J***N on Reviewed in the United States 🇺🇸 on August 14, 2013*

Thomas Knock's book To End All Wars is a study of President Wilson's foreign policy.  There is a bit of a mini-biography in the beginning the traces President Wilson's intellectual development and rise to the presidency.  Everything else focuses on the President's work abroad. In his first term the book's focus is on United States' relationship with other nations in the Americas.  The Knock's focus on second term is partly on World War I but more so the battle to create the League of Nations.One of the ironies the Knock points out is: with all the major foreign policy issues that would arise with President Wilson's time in office, the 1912 election had almost nothing to do with foreign policy.  Knock however is quick to defend Wilson's own remark about how it would be ironic if foreign policy were to cover his Administration.  Knock argues that Wilson's comment was based on the content of the election campaign not on his personal study of the issues.  "The election of 1912, like almost all the others of the preceding century, did not hinge on foreign policy.  President Taft now and then reflected upon his futile exertions for reciprocal trade with Canada and arbitration treaties with the European powers.  Debs viewed foreign policy as irrelevant to working-class interests, just as he had done during the debate over imperialism in 1900.  The Progressive platform advocated free passage through the Panama Canal for American coastwise shippers and recommended the construction of two battleships per year, while the Democratic platform called for independence for the Philippines.  But none of the candidates said much about even these rather innocuous issues." (pg. 19)Wilson was an idealist but Wilson was not alone in his idealism.  There were many people and movements on both sides of the political spectrum who wanted to change from the theories that used balance of power and national interest in guiding foreign policy, and to replace it with a new internationalism that would embrace the rule of law over nations.  "Jane Addams played a key a pivotal in this wing of the internationalist movement; indeed, she personified its purposes and values perhaps better than anyone else.  Dismayed by the failure of the established peace societies to show any muscle, Addams, with the help of Paul Kellogg and Lillian Wald, organized the Woman's Peace party in January 1915.  The Woman's Peace party distinguished itself as the first organization of its kind--unlike the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace or the World Peace Foundation--to engage in direct political action (and on a variety of fronts) in order to achieve its goals." (pg.50-1)There is very little in this book about World War I as a conflict.  It discusses how Wilson had America enter as an associate belligerent power rather than an ally.  Wilson was disgusted with the allies and their plans to divide up the spoils after the war.  Wilson wished for a new way of doing things and the actions of the allies, to him, represented what was wrong with the world.  "In addition to arbitration, Wilson concentrated on disarmament.  Sounding much like a card-carrying member of the American Union Against Militarism, he posed to alternatives to his audiences--disarmament through the League or the eventuality of a national security state.  Should it stand apart, he argued, the United States would have to be `physically ready for whatever comes.'" (p.261)Wilson's view of what America might become has become reality.  I am not sure his ideas for change were a realistic alternative.  The League was not worth much and even the U.N. that replaced it has some terrible flaws.  It is ironic that the ship Wilson used to go France in was the called the George Washington.  I can think of no president whose views on foreign policy were closer to the exact opposite of Wilson than Washington.  I am not talking about entangled alliances either.  Washington was a realist who felt that nations would only go along with whatever aligned with their interests.  Wilson talked of `equity of nations'.  Why would a great power like Great Britain want to be on an equal footing with Luxemburg?  Wilson's goals were admirable and maybe one day be attainable, but his methods were questionable at best.

### ⭐⭐⭐⭐ 







  
  
    Woodrow Wilson and the League of Nations
  

*by B***E on Reviewed in the United States 🇺🇸 on November 22, 2018*

Focus of book is on Wilson's obsession with the development of the League of Nations. The most interesting aspect was Wilson's attitude that it would be a "supreme covenant between God and the U. S."

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